Hezbollah was preparing a show of strength on Sunday with an elaborate and sprawling funeral for its assassinated leader, Hassan Nasrallah, an event the Iran-backed militant group hopes will revive its battered image in Lebanon after the latest war with Israel.
Tens of thousands of people from across the country and region are expected at the ceremony on Sunday afternoon, including dignitaries from Iran. It will begin at Lebanon’s largest sports stadium on the southern outskirts of the capital, Beirut, which has been adorned with two story-tall posters of Mr. Nasrallah and slogans promising to carry on the Shiite Muslim resistance he led against Israel.
On Sunday morning, Beirut was at a standstill, the roads clogged with thousands of mourners making their way to the stadium. Some carried pictures of Mr. Nasrallah and Hezbollah flags, while others clutched photos of family members who had been killed in the war.
After the stadium service, Mr. Nasrallah will be buried at a dedicated site nearby that will be made into a holy shrine for the slain leader, according to Hezbollah officials.
Mr. Nasrallah’s funeral “is not a day of grief or a day of farewell, but a day of loyalty and renewal of our covenants and pledges to our leader,” Hussein Haj Hassan, a Hezbollah-affiliated member of parliament, said at a ceremony in Beirut’s southern suburbs on Saturday.
He said the funeral would be a moment to show to “allies as well as to our enemies and opponents that we have not and will not weaken or cower.”
“And if you increase the challenge,” Mr. Hassan continued, “we will respond with determination.”
The funeral comes five months after Israel killed Mr. Nasrallah on Sept. 27, dropping 80 bombs over several minutes on his bunker just south of Beirut. In killing Mr. Nasrallah, Israel eliminated a leader who enjoyed near-mythical status among Lebanon’s Shiite Muslims. His death was one of the seminal moments in the confrontation between Iran’s proxies and Israel, from which Hezbollah has emerged significantly weakened.
In the months that followed, the group was battered by Israeli forces and its iron grip on Lebanon’s politics came undone with many Lebanese blaming the group for dragging the country into one of its deadliest and most destructive wars.
Hezbollah and Israel agreed to a cease-fire in November that forced Hezbollah to withdraw from southern Lebanon and abandon its strongholds along the border with Israel. While Israel agreed to withdraw from Lebanon as part of that truce, Israeli forces have remained in parts of southern Lebanon past the deadline to do so.
Now, Lebanon is at an inflection point.
After decades of consolidating power, Hezbollah entered the war as the country’s most dominant political and military force. But it has become a shadow of its former self.
For the first time in 20 years, there is gathering momentum among Hezbollah’s political opponents within Lebanon to seize power back from the group. The country’s newly appointed president, Michel Aoun, has vowed to disarm Hezbollah and return the monopoly on military power to the state.
Last week, the newly appointed Lebanese cabinet adopted a policy statement that took a direct shot at Hezbollah, laying out that the state alone had the right to defend Lebanon’s territory. It was the first policy statement since the country’s civil war ended in 1990 that did not mention the Lebanese people’s right to resist Israeli occupation — a line that had long helped legitimize Hezbollah’s existence.
Mr. Nasrallah’s funeral looks set to reflect the power struggle playing out in Lebanon, with Hezbollah seizing on it as an opportunity to reassert itself as a political force.
With throngs of supporters expected to flood the streets to show their loyalty to Mr. Nasrallah, Hezbollah is seeking to send a message: Even though its leaders have been killed, its coffers drained, its Syrian ally, Bashar al-Assad, toppled and its patron, Iran, weakened, the group is here to stay.
“The funeral is a launchpad,” said Mohanad Hage Ali, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. “They are trying to reinvent themselves” and use Mr. Nasrallah’s death “as a mobilizing tool to rally people around their cause, which has taken a great hit.”
The funeral on Sunday will also honor Hashem Safieddine, who effectively led Hezbollah for a week after Mr. Nasrallah’s death before he, too, was killed by Israel.
The war between Hezbollah and Israel broke out after the Lebanese militia started firing on Israeli military positions in solidarity with its Palestinian ally, Hamas, in Gaza. Hezbollah joined in shortly after the shock of the Hamas-led attack on Israel in October 2023 and the exchanges of strikes that followed displaced tens of thousands of people on either side of the Lebanese-Israeli border.
The conflict sharply escalated last September, with Israeli forces invading large swaths of southern Lebanon and launching an intense bombardment across the country that lasted about two months before the cease-fire was reached in late November.
Within Lebanon, Hezbollah was widely seen as having suffered a stinging defeat in the war.
“Hezbollah forced the whole country into this war but wasn’t powerful enough to put up a fight,” said Ali Mraay, 34, who works as a delivery driver in Beirut. “The south — the most beautiful part of the country — is destroyed because of Hezbollah. Everyone who died in the war, it’s because of this war by Hezbollah.”
The group is now facing difficult questions from its supporters about whether it will be able to provide the billions of dollars needed to rebuild towns and villages that were flattened in the war.
Providing that reconstruction support will be critical to reviving the group’s support among followers whose faith in Hezbollah has been tested by this war. After its last war with Israel, in 2006, Hezbollah responded immediately with cash handouts bankrolled by Iran. But its response has been slower this time around.
The group’s main land bridge for receiving cash from Iran through Syria was severed after the Assad dictatorship — an important ally to both Iran and Hezbollah — was toppled by rebels in December.
And last week, Lebanon halted Iranian flights to Beirut after the Israeli military accused Tehran of using civilian aircraft to smuggle cash to Hezbollah — stoking outrage and setting off protests among Hezbollah’s supporters.
The loss of Mr. Nasrallah has also been devastating to the group’s public image. Mr. Nasrallah took charge when the group was an underground guerrilla force fighting the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon, which ended in 2000, and led the organization as it formally entered Lebanese politics.
He served many roles in the lives of Hezbollah members, acting as a religious leader, political strategist and commander in chief. His charm — a rarity among leaders in the region — was also key to unifying Hezbollah’s followers, with Mr. Nasrallah stirring up support in frequent speeches for their anti-Israel struggle and convincing them that victory was assured.
Before Mr. Nasrallah’s death, Hezbollah had not cultivated any other leaders with Mr. Nasrallah’s stature. The group’s current leader, Naim Qassem, lacks Mr. Nasrallah’s charisma and unwavering ability to reassure Hezbollah’s followers.
Still, experts warn against writing Hezbollah off.
The continued presence of Israeli forces in southern Lebanon offers Hezbollah leverage, effectively giving new force behind Hezbollah’s raison d’être: armed resistance against Israeli occupation.
And the group’s brewing showdown with the new government has many in Lebanon on edge.
Hezbollah, which the United States designated as a terrorist organization in 1997, has shown its willingness to sacrifice anyone — including Lebanese politicians and journalists — who challenges its authority.
One of the most stark examples of that was in 2005, when a car bomb in Beirut killed former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and 22 others. A team of international investigators later concluded that Hezbollah was responsible.
“We know they have been dealt a blow, but at the same time they have not yet been disarmed,” said Sami Nader, the director of the Political Sciences Institute at Saint Joseph University of Beirut, referring to Hezbollah.
“They lost their battle with Israel,” he added. “But now there is a concern about what they will do next. If they can’t use their arms against Israel, will they use them against those inside Lebanon? This is the concern.”
Dayana Iwaza and Euan Ward contributed reporting.
